Paper 05

Abstract

This study examines domestic violence on women and children and related trauma issues in Taungoo District from a Theravāda Buddhist perspective. It has two main objectives: to investigate the impacts of domestic violence on women and children and to suggest preventive and coping mechanisms for victims based on Theravāda Buddhist teachings. A qualitative ethnographic research design was employed to gain an in-depth understanding of participants’ lived experiences. Data were collected through interviews and observations involving twenty participants, comprising ten women and ten children who had directly or indirectly experienced domestic violence. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings reveal that domestic violence takes various forms, including physical assault, verbal abuse, emotional and psychological harm, economic control, sexual coercion, neglect, threats, abandonment, and controlling behaviour. Women experienced physical injuries, humiliation, fear, anxiety, depression, social stigma, economic insecurity, loss of dignity, and loss of trust. Children experienced direct abuse, exposure to violence against their mothers, fear, nightmares, emotional insecurity, social isolation, behavioural difficulties, neglect, and disruption to their education. Emotional suffering was common among participants, demonstrating that the consequences of domestic violence extend beyond visible physical injuries. The findings further show that violence on women and children is interconnected and affects the entire family system. From a Theravāda Buddhist perspective, non-harming, loving-kindness (mettā), compassion (karuṇā), Right Speech, mindfulness, patience, wisdom, moral responsibility, good friendship, and abstinence from intoxicants are important principles for preventing violence and supporting victims. However, Buddhist patience should not be understood as passive endurance of abuse. Genuine compassion requires protecting victims, preventing further harm, and providing appropriate support. The study concludes that domestic violence is a serious social, psychological, moral, and spiritual problem requiring coordinated responses from families, communities, religious leaders, professionals, social organizations, and relevant authorities.

Keywords: domestic violence, trauma, Taungoo District, Theravāda Buddhism, positive peace, negative peace,

1. Introduction

1.1 Background of the Study

The family is expected to provide care, protection, moral guidance, economic support, and emotional security. When violence enters the household, however, the home may become a place of fear, domination, humiliation, and insecurity. Domestic violence is consequently more than a private disagreement. It is a social, psychological, public-health, economic, legal, moral, and spiritual problem that affects not only the immediate victim but also children, relatives, communities, and future family relationships. WHO’s updated global estimates indicate that nearly one in three women have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate-partner violence or non-partner sexual violence during their lifetime (WHO, 2025, 2026).

For this study, domestic violence refers broadly to abusive, coercive, threatening, neglectful, or controlling behaviour within intimate, family, and household relationships. It includes physical assault, sexual coercion, verbal abuse, emotional and psychological harm, economic control, neglect, intimidation, isolation, threats, and controlling behaviour. This wider definition is important because visible injury is only one dimension of abuse. A victim may suffer profound fear, shame, dependency, loss of dignity, and trauma even when physical injuries are absent. García-Moreno et al. (2006) similarly showed across ten countries that intimate-partner violence is widespread and closely related to controlling behaviour, demonstrating that violence often operates as a pattern of power and domination rather than as an isolated incident.

Myanmar evidence also confirms that domestic violence is a significant public-health and social concern. Using the Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey 2015–2016, Tun and Östergren (2020) found among 3,425 ever-married women aged 15–49 that 16.8% had experienced physical spousal violence, 3.8% sexual spousal violence, and 15.9% emotional spousal violence during their lifetime. Controlling behaviour by husbands was strongly associated with women’s experience of violence. National prevalence data cannot fully explain victims’ lived experiences, children’s exposure within the same family, persistent silence, or the role of local social and religious resources. These gaps motivate the present ethnographic study.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Domestic violence in Taungoo District is often hidden because of fear, shame, economic dependence, family pressure, and social expectations that family problems should remain private. Emotional, verbal, economic, sexual, and controlling forms of abuse may also be overlooked compared with physical violence, while children who witness violence can experience serious trauma.

Although Theravāda Buddhism teaches non-harming, compassion, and moral responsibility, concepts such as patience, forgiveness, and kamma may sometimes be misunderstood in ways that encourage victims to tolerate abuse. Therefore, this study examines domestic violence through a locally grounded, trauma-sensitive approach combining victims’ experiences, Buddhist ethics, and peace theory.

1.3 Aim, Objectives, Research Questions, and Scope

The study aims to examine domestic violence and trauma affecting women and children in Taungoo District and to propose preventive and coping mechanisms from a Theravāda Buddhist perspective. It investigates the impacts of domestic violence and explores how Buddhist teachings can support prevention and victim coping.

The study is limited to Taungoo District, Bago Region, Myanmar. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, data were collected mainly through interviews and observation. It examines physical, emotional, verbal, economic, sexual, cultural, controlling, neglectful, and witnessed violence, together with trauma and coping. The Buddhist framework emphasizes non-harming, the Five Precepts, mettā, karuṇā, Right Speech, mindfulness, patience, wisdom, good friendship, family responsibility, and restraint from intoxicants.

2. Literature Review and Theoretical Framework

2.1 Definitions and Forms of Domestic Violence

The United Nations (1993) defines violence against women in terms of gender-based acts causing or likely to cause physical, sexual, or mental harm, including threats, coercion, and deprivation of liberty in public or private life. WHO conceptualizes intimate-partner violence as behaviour by a current or former partner that causes physical, sexual, or psychological harm, including aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviour. These definitions support a multidimensional understanding of domestic violence. Walker’s (1979) cycle-of-violence model explains how tension, violent incidents, reconciliation, and calm can become repetitive, while Stark’s (2007) concept of coercive control emphasizes domination through isolation, surveillance, threats, humiliation, and restriction of autonomy. Economic control also limits a victim’s practical ability to leave, particularly where income, housing, and childcare are insecure.

2.2 Trauma and Psychological Consequences

Trauma involves more than temporary distress. Herman (1992) explains that repeated interpersonal violence can disrupt safety, identity, trust, relationships, and the victim’s sense of control. Women may experience fear, anxiety, depression, shame, hypervigilance, emotional numbness, sleep disturbance, and loss of confidence. Ellsberg et al. (2008) demonstrated significant associations between intimate-partner violence and poor physical and mental health. For children, exposure may be direct or indirect. Holt, Buckley, and Whelan (2008) found that children living with domestic violence are at increased risk of emotional, behavioural, social, and developmental difficulties; Wathen and MacMillan (2013) similarly emphasize that exposure to intimate-partner violence is itself a serious form of child maltreatment. These findings support a trauma-sensitive approach in which safety precedes reconciliation or spiritual advice.

2.3 Domestic Violence in Myanmar and Previous Research

Research in Myanmar shows that domestic violence is associated with controlling behaviour, gender inequality, economic dependence, social silence, and limited protection. The Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey 2015–2016 and Tun and Östergren (2020) highlight husbands’ controlling behaviour as an important factor. Previous studies also identify emotional and educational harm to children, economic dependency, limited access to services, and the importance of involving men in prevention. Myanmar legal research further notes gaps in protection for psychological and economic abuse. This study extends previous research by focusing on women and children in Taungoo District and integrating Theravāda Buddhist ethics with Galtung’s peace theory.

From the Buddhist perspective, trauma can be understood through the truth of suffering, or dukkha. In the First Noble Truth, the Buddha explains that sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief, and despair are forms of suffering: soka-parideva-dukkha-domanassupāyāsāpi dukkhā. Domestic violence is one of the present conditions that can produce fear, sorrow, pain, insecurity, and despair in women and children. However, Buddhism should not be used to blame victims by saying that their suffering is only the result of past kamma. Such an explanation is close to pubbekatahetu-diṭṭhi, the wrong view that everything a person experiences is caused only by past actions. The Buddha rejected this fatalistic view because it weakens moral responsibility, present effort, and ethical action. (Titthāyatana Sutta; AN 3.61) (Sīvaka Sutta; SN 36.21) (Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta; SN 56.11)

2.4 Buddhist Perspective on Domestic Violence

Theravāda Buddhist ethics strongly rejects domestic violence through the principles of non-harming, Right Speech, loving-kindness, compassion, mindfulness, and moral responsibility. The First Precept and Dhammapada 129–130 emphasize respect for life, while MN 61 teaches reflection on whether bodily, verbal, or mental actions cause harm. The Karaṇīya Mettā Sutta promotes loving-kindness, and the Sigālovāda Sutta presents family relationships as based on mutual respect, responsibility, faithfulness, and care. The Fifth Precept is also relevant where intoxication contributes to violent behaviour.

These teachings should be applied in a victim-centred way. Patience does not mean silently tolerating abuse, and kamma should not be used to blame victims. Buddhist coping should therefore combine mindfulness, mettā, compassion, and ethical reflection with practical protection such as counselling, shelter, healthcare, legal assistance, economic support, and child protection.

2.5 Galtung’s Peace Theory

Galtung (1969) distinguishes direct violence from structural violence and differentiates negative peace from positive peace. Negative peace refers to the absence of direct violence; positive peace requires conditions of justice, equality, well-being, and constructive relationships. Structural violence occurs when social and economic arrangements systematically limit people’s ability to meet their needs, while cultural violence refers to beliefs and meanings that legitimize or normalize harm. Applied to domestic violence, direct violence includes beating, threats, sexual coercion, and verbal abuse; structural violence includes economic dependence, weak protection systems, and lack of shelter; cultural violence includes victim-blaming, gendered domination, family-honour pressure, and the belief that domestic abuse is a private matter. This framework complements Buddhist analysis by connecting personal moral conduct with social conditions that allow suffering to continue.

3. Research Methodology

3.1 Design, Ethnographic Approach, and Study Area

The study employed a qualitative ethnographic design. Qualitative inquiry was appropriate because the research sought to understand experience, meaning, emotion, behaviour, and coping rather than to produce statistical generalization (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Ethnography was used because domestic violence occurs within social and cultural environments shaped by family relationships, gender expectations, economic conditions, alcohol use, community attitudes, religious beliefs, and social reputation (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2019). The research was conducted in Taungoo District, Bago Region, a setting that includes diverse social and economic conditions and where Buddhist institutions remain important community resources.

3.2 Participants, Research Tools, and Data Collection

Twenty participants were purposively selected: 10 women who had experienced domestic violence and 10 children who had experienced violence directly, indirectly, or through witnessing violence in their families. Women were coded W-1 to W-10 and children C-1 to C-10 to protect identity and privacy. The primary tools were semi-structured interviews, field observation, field notes, and the researcher as the principal qualitative instrument. Open-ended questions examined forms of violence, physical and emotional effects, family and economic consequences, education, coping, help-seeking, barriers to disclosure, and perceptions of Buddhist prevention and support.

Table 1. Participant Categories

Interviews were conducted in private and safe settings, away from suspected perpetrators. Questions progressed gradually from general to sensitive topics, and participants could refuse, pause, or stop at any time. Observations included emotional and non-verbal responses such as silence, hesitation, crying, and fear without attempting psychological diagnosis. Confidentiality, voluntary participation, non-blaming language, and emotional safety were maintained throughout, with additional attention to children’s age, understanding, willingness, and safety.

3.3 Data Analysis

Interview and observation data were analysed thematically under categories including emotional, physical, verbal, economic, cultural/social, sexual, and witnessed violence, together with trauma impacts, contributing factors, coping strategies, and Buddhist preventive mechanisms. Because participants could experience multiple forms of violence, the percentages overlap and do not total 100%. Frequencies were used only to describe the qualitative cases, with women’s and children’s experiences analysed separately before comparison.

Table 2. Violence Experienced by Individual Women

Table 3. Violence Experienced by Individual Children

4. Findings

4.1 Overall Findings and Comparative Patterns

Domestic violence among the 20 participants was multidimensional and overlapping. Emotional violence or psychological suffering was present in all 20 cases (100%). Direct physical violence and witnessed violence together appeared in 16 cases (80%), while direct physical violence alone appeared in 14 cases (70%). Verbal violence and economic violence or hardship each appeared in 12 cases (60%), cultural or social violence in 10 cases (50%), and sexual violence, coercion, or exploitation pressure in seven cases (35%). The central finding is therefore that domestic violence cannot be adequately described by physical injury alone; emotional harm accompanied every case.

Table 4. Comparison of Women and Children

4.2 Domestic Violence on Women

Women experienced multiple forms of domestic violence, including physical assault, verbal abuse, economic control, sexual coercion, abandonment, social stigma, and emotional suffering. All 10 women experienced emotional violence; verbal and economic violence affected 80%, physical violence 70%, and cultural and sexual violence 40% each.

Economic abuse increased women’s dependency and made leaving violent relationships difficult, especially for those without independent income, secure housing, or strong social support. Sexual coercion was particularly difficult to disclose because of shame and cultural silence, suggesting that this form of violence may be underreported.

4.3 Domestic Violence on Children

Children were both direct and indirect victims of domestic violence. All 10 children experienced emotional suffering; 90% experienced direct physical and/or witnessed violence, 70% direct physical violence, 60% cultural or social violence, 40% verbal violence, 40% economic hardship or neglect, and 30% sexual violence or exploitation pressure.

Common effects included fear, nightmares, insecurity, shame, social withdrawal, loss of trust, and educational difficulties. Witnessing violence against a mother was itself traumatic, turning the home from a place of safety into a place of fear. Therefore, children exposed to domestic violence should be recognized as victims who require protection and support.

4.4 Trauma and Emotional Impacts

Trauma-related impacts cut across both groups. Women reported or demonstrated fear, humiliation, depression, sadness, betrayal, economic insecurity, loss of dignity, and loss of trust. Children showed fear, nightmares, insomnia, flashback-like memories, social withdrawal, anger, educational disruption, and emotional insecurity. Shame and social isolation intensified distress. Importantly, silence often functioned as a survival strategy. Participants could remain silent because disclosure might trigger retaliation, gossip, family blame, economic loss, or further danger. The absence of a report therefore could not be interpreted as the absence of harm.

4.5 Major Causes and Contributing Factors

The study identified interconnected contributing factors rather than a single cause. Alcohol abuse appeared in 10 of 20 cases (50%); poverty and economic dependence in nine (45%); adultery and marital conflict in seven (35%); cultural shame and family pressure in seven (35%); power and control in six (30%); community silence and weak intervention in four (20%); and weak protection systems in two (10%). Alcohol frequently accompanied aggression, shouting, threats, and physical violence, but it did not fully explain abuse. Violence was also used to control money, movement, sexuality, speech, and family decisions. Poverty, dependence, stigma, and weak support then made leaving or seeking help more difficult.

Table 5. Major Causes and Contributing Factors

4.6 Coping Strategies Used by Victims

Participants used a range of survival and coping strategies. Avoidance and self-protection were reported in 12 cases (60%); fleeing or leaving the abusive place in 10 (50%); seeking help from relatives or community members in 10 (50%); silence and endurance in eight (40%); Buddhist practice or Dhamma coping in three (15%); and legal or institutional help in three (15%). Some women sought refuge with relatives or in religious settings; some children ran from dangerous situations. Dhamma, meditation, reflection, and patience gave some survivors emotional strength, but spiritual coping alone was insufficient in cases involving immediate danger. Safe accommodation, medical treatment, counselling, economic support, police assistance, and legal action remained necessary.

Table 6. Coping Strategies

5. Discussion

5.1 Domestic Violence as a Multidimensional Problem

The findings show that domestic violence in Taungoo District is physical, psychological, economic, social, cultural, and moral. Emotional suffering occurred in every case, demonstrating that visible physical injury alone cannot measure the seriousness of abuse. This is consistent with trauma research showing that repeated violence damages safety, trust, self-worth, and relationships (Herman, 1992; Ellsberg et al., 2008).

5.2 Women’s and Children’s Experiences

Women experienced higher levels of verbal and economic violence, reflecting marital domination, financial control, humiliation, and reduced autonomy. Children were affected by both direct and witnessed violence, with 90% experiencing physical and/or witnessed violence. Their fear, nightmares, shame, educational difficulties, and loss of trust demonstrate the serious developmental effects of domestic violence (Holt et al., 2008; Wathen & MacMillan, 2013).

5.3 Silence, Social Pressure, and Community Responsibility

Fear, economic dependence, family honour, stigma, and victim-blaming contributed to silence among victims. From Galtung’s perspective, cultural beliefs that normalize male authority, harsh discipline, or domestic violence as a private matter may reinforce abuse. Prevention therefore requires confidential reporting systems, community awareness, and active support for victims.

5.4 Buddhist Perspective on Prevention and Coping

Theravāda Buddhist teachings provide an ethical framework for preventing violence. Non-harming, Right Action, Right Speech, mindfulness, mettā, karuṇā, the Fifth Precept, and the Sigālovāda Sutta promote non-violence, self-control, compassion, and responsible family relationships. However, Buddhist teachings should not be used to encourage victims to endure abuse. Patience and non-hatred should prevent retaliation, while compassion should support safety, protection, healing, and justice.

5.5 Practical Buddhist Preventive and Coping Mechanisms

Practical mechanisms include separation from immediate danger where necessary; non-violent conflict management; Right Speech and compassionate communication; mindfulness and anger-management training; abstinence from intoxicants and substance-use treatment; trauma-informed counselling; women’s livelihood support; child-sensitive psychological and educational assistance; family education on consent and dignity; and referral networks linking relatives, religious leaders, teachers, health workers, social organizations, police, and legal practitioners. The role of religious leaders is particularly important: they can reduce stigma and offer moral guidance, but serious cases should be referred to trained services and authorities rather than handled only through informal reconciliation.

5.6 Synthesis of Buddhist Peace Theory and Galtung’s Peace Theory

Practical measures include protection from immediate danger, non-violent communication, anger management, mindfulness, abstinence from intoxicants, trauma-informed counselling, livelihood support, child protection, family education, and access to medical and legal services. Religious leaders, relatives, teachers, health workers, social organizations, police, and legal practitioners should cooperate to support victims, while serious cases should be referred to appropriate professional services.

Table 7. Integrated Buddhist–Galtung Framework

6. Summary of Findings, Conclusion, and Recommendations

6.1 Summary of Findings

The study found that domestic violence among the 20 Taungoo participants was multidimensional, overlapping, and deeply traumatic. Emotional suffering affected every participant. Women experienced especially high levels of verbal and economic violence, while children were strongly affected by direct and witnessed violence, cultural shame, social isolation, and educational disruption. Alcohol misuse, poverty and dependence, power and control, adultery and marital conflict, cultural shame, community silence, and weak protection contributed to continuing abuse. Victims responded through avoidance, fleeing, informal help-seeking, silence, Dhamma practice, and, less frequently, formal legal or institutional assistance. These findings answer the first research question by demonstrating physical, emotional, social, educational, economic, and family-system harms, and answer the second by identifying Buddhist principles that can inform prevention when combined with safety and professional support.

6.2 Conclusion

Domestic violence in Taungoo District should not be treated as a private family matter or reduced to isolated physical assault. It is a pattern of suffering that can include coercion, fear, humiliation, economic restriction, sexual harm, neglect, social stigma, and psychological trauma. Women’s and children’s experiences are interconnected: violence against a mother affects children, and violence against children destabilizes the entire family system. The qualitative design does not permit statistical generalization, but it provides detailed local evidence about how violence is experienced and sustained.

From a Theravāda Buddhist perspective, domestic violence contradicts non-harming, Right Speech, Right Action, loving-kindness, compassion, mindfulness, moral responsibility, and reciprocal family duties. Yet Buddhist ethics becomes socially meaningful only when it is translated into protective action. A victim-centred approach prioritizes safety over reconciliation and refuses interpretations of patience or kamma that normalize abuse. In the language of peace studies, prevention must move beyond negative peace to positive peace: not only stopping direct violence, but building conditions of dignity, equality, economic security, emotional healing, responsible relationships, and accessible protection.

6.3 Recommendations

Victims should have confidential access to safety planning, medical care, trauma-informed counselling, legal information, financial assistance, and safe accommodation when necessary. Families should receive education on respectful communication, consent, non-violent parenting, anger management, financial responsibility, and the harmful effects of alcohol.

Communities should reject victim-blaming and recognize domestic violence as a social concern rather than a purely private matter. Buddhist monks, nuns, and religious leaders can promote non-harming, Right Speech, mettā, karuṇā, mindfulness, moral responsibility, and restraint from intoxicants, while referring serious cases to appropriate professional services.

Authorities should strengthen cooperation among health services, schools, community organizations, religious institutions, police, and legal practitioners. Perpetrator programmes should address accountability, alcohol misuse, anger, coercive control, and non-violent relationship skills. Economic empowerment through employment, vocational training, livelihood support, and emergency assistance should also be included as an important part of domestic-violence prevention.

6.4 Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

This study involved only 20 purposively selected participants in Taungoo District, so the findings cannot be generalized to all of Myanmar. Because domestic violence is sensitive, some forms of abuse, especially sexual violence, may have been underreported. The study relied mainly on interviews, observation, and field notes and did not include perpetrators or professional groups.

Future research should use larger and more diverse rural and urban samples, examine long-term recovery and child development, and include perspectives from religious leaders, health professionals, police, legal practitioners, social workers, community leaders, and perpetrators. Further studies could also evaluate Buddhist-informed interventions alongside trauma-informed, legal, and social-service approaches.

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